opinions & letters
Which Bibi Will We Get?
BY DAN SCHNUR
T wo weeks ago in this space, we asked the
then-seminal question, “To Bibi or Not to
Bibi?” Now we turn to an even more complicated
query: “Which Bibi?”
Now that Netanyahu has claimed a decisive
victory in the most recent Israeli elections, spec-
ulation turns to what type of government he will
form. Given his alliance with a bloc of religious
and far-right parties that was necessary to achieve
a majority in the Knesset, most observers assume
that the once and future prime minister will turn
over key cabinet positions to the leaders of those
partners and give them great leeway in fashioning
his government’s policy agenda. Netanyahu has
always been careful not to allow himself to be
outflanked to his right, and with polling that shows
the Israeli electorate continuing to move in that
direction, his most obvious next step would be to
cement those relationships.

surely recognizes that a unity government could
either exclude the religious bloc altogether or
at least limit their power within the govern-
ment. Their most extremist demands would be
less likely to sway Netanyahu if he knows he is
not completely reliant on their votes to remain
in office.

The question is what Netanyahu could offer
Gantz and Sa’ar and their followers in exchange for
their support, given their strong disapproval of his
efforts to avoid judicial consequences for his past
actions. But the additional sweetener of limiting
the RZP’s influence on Israeli society, combined
with significant policy concessions and political
opportunities for the two men themselves, could
create an opportunity for an implausible but mutu-
ally beneficial partnership.

The fork in the road for Netanyahu is not nearly
as dramatic as choosing between left and right.

For all practical purposes, with the failure of the
Meretz Party to win any seats in the new Knesset
and the near-irrelevance of the once-powerful
Netanyahu will ultimately make his decision
based on whether his long-term aspirations
outweigh his more immediate needs.

But Bibi has been here plenty of times before.

He knows that a government held hostage by the
Religious Zionist Party would not be a particularly
pleasant experience for him. It would be enough
to allow him to escape his legal difficulties —
and that might be all he needs or wants — but
Israeli voters have moved rightward primarily as
a reaction to the war with Hamas last year and
the subsequent upsurge in terrorism. It’s not clear
whether a voting majority is on board with some
of RZP’s other goals, and so it’s entirely possible
that Netanyahu will look elsewhere when forming
his governing coalition.

This is where Netanyahu’s former allies Benny
Gantz and Gideon Sa’ar may come back into
the picture. Both Gantz and Sa’ar parted ways
with Netanyahu, not over policy differences but
because of his legal troubles. They have already
announced that their National Unity Party will
stand in opposition to Netanyahu’s anticipated
alliance with the religious parties. But Netanyahu
Labor Party, there is no meaningful political left
remaining in Israel.

So the choice for Bibi is between center-right and
far-right. While the religious parties have brought
him to this position, their goals may not reflect the
thinking of the broader Israeli public. Centrists like
Gantz, Sa’ar, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid may
not inspire as much passion from their supporters
as Itamar Ben-Gvir and his RZP colleagues, but
they might offer Netanyahu stability that would be
helpful to him going forward. Netanyahu knows
that he can still inspire, but the centrist establish-
ment offers him a sustainability that he might not
be able to achieve without them.

Netanyahu will ultimately make his decision
based on whether his long-term aspirations out-
weigh his more immediate needs. He is already
Israel’s longest-serving prime minister but has yet
to achieve the iconic status of some of his pre-
decessors. Part of him is very concerned with his
legacy, and he wants to be remembered as Israel’s
greatest leader rather than a polarizing figure.

But he also wants to avoid a conviction and stay
out of jail. This means the history books might have
to wait. JE
Dan Schnur is a professor at the University of
California-Berkeley, USC and Pepperdine. This article
was originally published by the Jewish Journal.

letters Ben-Gvir’s Words Seem Suspect
I read with interest the op-ed piece by Itamar Ben-
Gvir (“My Brethren on the Left, Give Me a Chance,”
Nov. 10) proclaiming his moderation and asking his
“brethren” to give him a “chance.”
Interestingly, the piece was published on the
same day that Ben-Gvir praised the late Rabbi
Meir Kahane at a memorial service — praise that
led State Department spokesman Ned Price to
call Ben-Gvir’s actions “abhorrent.” I hope the
Exponent follows up on the story.

Maynard Seider, Philadelphia
Afraid for the Future
When I read the columns from Jonathan Tobin
(“US Panic Surrounding Israel’s Next Government
Is About Politics, Not Values,” Nov. 10) and Itamar
Ben Gvir (“My Brethren on the Left, Give Me a
Chance,” Nov. 10), as well as the accompanying edi-
torial about the Israeli election (A Clear Victory for
Israel’s Right,” Nov. 10), all I could think was that
this is exactly what I am afraid of from the next
Israeli government.

Tobin’s column and the editorial in particular
were a complete dismissal of any Jew who does not
buy into the Netanyahu coalition’s vision of what a
true Jew is. Surprisingly, the most honest column
was from Itamar Ben-Gvir himself, even though his
long history of violent rhetoric speaks for itself.

However, he will most likely be a minister of the
government soon, so to hear from him directly had
some value. That said, his vision of a Judaism based
in supremacy over others is still pretty awful. JE
Len Zangwill, Glenside
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