opinion
‘Foreign Aid’ to Israel a
Billion-dollar Bonanza for the US
BY YORAM ETTINGER
he U.S. does not give foreign aid to Israel —
the U.S. makes an annual investment in Israel,
one that provides the American taxpayer a return
on investment of several hundred percent.

Is that a valid statement?
While Israel is a grateful recipient of several
hundred U.S. military systems, it also serves as a
battle-tested, cost-effective laboratory for the U.S.

defense and aerospace industries, which employ
— directly and indirectly — 3.5 million Americans.

Moreover, the Israel Defense Forces serve as
a laboratory for the U.S. military itself, which
enhances U.S. performance on the battlefield.

By serving as such a laboratory, Israel enhances
the economy, national security and homeland
security of the United States.

For example, the Israeli Air Force flies the U.S.

company Lockheed-Martin’s F-16 and F-35 com-
bat aircraft. This provides both Lockheed-Martin
and the U.S. Air Force with invaluable information
on operations, maintenance and repairs. This
information is then used to manufacture a multi-
tude of upgrades for next-generation aircraft.

The F-16 itself has been improved by several
hundred Israeli-driven upgrades, including to the
cockpit, fire control, wings and fuel tanks. This has
spared Lockheed-Martin 10-20 years of research
and development — which would have cost bil-
lions of dollars. It also enhances the company’s
global competitiveness, increases its multi-bil-
lion-dollar exports and expands its employment
base. Similar advantages are enjoyed by Boeing,
the manufacturer of the F-15, which is also flown
and upgraded by the Israeli Air Force.

Indeed, Israel is the Triple-A store for Lockheed-
Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, G.D., Northrop
Grumman, L3Harris Technologies, G.E., Oshkosh,
Honeywell and many other U.S. defense and
aerospace companies. This enhances the image
of these companies abroad and multiplies their
export markets because other countries assume
that if Israel — with its unique national security
challenges — uses these companies’ products,
they must be of high quality.

Furthermore, Israel shares its battle tactics
with the U.S. Since the two countries face mutual
threats from conventional forces and terrorists —
who are often equipped with Russian, Chinese
and Iranian military systems — this is of great
importance. Indeed, many U.S. battle tactics
have been formulated based on Israeli combat
experience. 16
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For example, U.S. special operations units and
urban warfare specialists are trained by Israeli
experts in neutralizing car bombs, improvised
explosive devices and suicide bombers. U.S. com-
bat pilots benefit greatly from joint maneuvers
with highly-experienced Israeli combat pilots, who
always fly in a do-or-die state of mind and are
thus forced to employ creativity and audacity, fully
exploiting the capabilities of U.S.-made combat
aircraft. These benefits extend to the realm of intelli-
gence. According to a former head of U.S. Air
Force Intelligence, Gen. George Keegan, the U.S.

would have to establish five CIAs to procure the
intelligence provided by Israel. The annual budget
of the CIA is around $15 billion.

According to the late Sen. Daniel Inouye,
who was chairman of the House Appropriations
Committee and Intelligence Committee, the
scope of Israeli intelligence shared with the U.S.

exceeded the intelligence provided by all NATO
countries combined. Israeli intelligence helped foil
terrorist, kidnapping and bombing plots against
the U.S., secured airliners and airports and pro-
vided vital data on advanced Soviet/Russian mil-
itary systems.

Israel is a unique force multiplier for the United
States, helping to extend America’s strategic
reach, so it can secure vulnerable pro-U.S. Arab
oil-producing regimes and deter conventional
wars and terrorism. With Israel’s help, the United
States can do this without the deployment of U.S.

troops, which is not the case with countries like
Japan and South Korea.

The late Gen. Alexander Haig, who served as
NATO’s Supreme Commander and U.S. Secretary
of State, and Adm. Elmo Zumwalt once stated:
“Israel is the largest U.S. aircraft carrier, which
does not require American soldiers on board,
cannot be sunk and is deployed in a most critical
region (between Europe-Asia-Africa and between
the Mediterranean-Red Sea-Indian Ocean-Persian
Gulf), sparing the U.S. the need to manufacture,
deploy and maintain a few more real aircraft carri-
ers and additional ground divisions, which would
cost the U.S. taxpayer some $15 billion annually.”
Israel is also an asset to the U.S. tech sector.

More than 200 top American high-tech compa-
nies — such as Intel, Microsoft, Cisco, IBM, Apple,
Johnson & Johnson, Google and Facebook —
which employ several million Americans, have
established research and development centers
in Israel. They use Israel’s brainpower to increase
U.S. production and expand U.S. exports and
employment. U.S. commercial industries, like
defense industries, have realized that Israel is a
critical partner in sustaining their edge over China,
Russia, Europe and Japan in the development and
manufacture of game-changing commercial and
military technologies.

In conclusion, the U.S.-Israel strategic relation-
ship constitutes a classic case of a mutually-ben-
eficial two-way street, one that enhances the
economies and defense of both countries and
benefits Israeli and American taxpayers alike. JE
Yoram Ettinger is a former ambassador and head
of Second Thought: A U.S.-Israel Initiative. This
article was originally published by The Ettinger
Report. nzfhatipoglu / iStock / Getty Images Plus
T



opinion
BY ARIEL KAHANA
The Israeli Government Has
Lasted a Year; Was it Worth it?
L ike a terminally ill patient who has defi ed a
doctor’s predictions, the government led by
Foreign Minister Yair Lapid and Prime Minister
Naftali Bennett is rounding out a year in offi ce. From
the prime minister on down, the sense is that the
end could come at any time. Meanwhile, willpower
and miracles are keeping the patient alive, for who
knows how long.

Despite these diffi cult political circumstances, the
government is seeing not inconsiderable success.

Much of it rests on former Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu’s time in offi ce, like the quiet in the Gaza
Strip since “Operation Guardian of the Walls,” the
improved economic situation, low energy prices,
Israel’s freedom of action in Syria and — according to
foreign reports — Iran and, of course, the Abraham
Accords. Lapid and Bennett have managed not to
completely ruin any of these things. Here and there,
they even managed to make improvements.

The enormous advantage they enjoy is a
very supportive American administration. U.S.

President Joe Biden, like other Western lead-
ers — insofar as they have time for us while the
war in Ukraine is going on — was and is afraid
Netanyahu could come back. Popular wisdom has
it that the right can make peace and the left can
make war.

As a result, it’s relatively easy for Bennett and
Lapid to build in Judea and Samaria, approve the
Jerusalem Day Flag March, stop the opening of a
U.S. consulate for the Palestinians in Jerusalem,
hook settlement outposts up to the electric grid
and so on. With a record like that, this is no left-
wing government.

But, of course, we aren’t talking about a right-
wing government either. Bennett, Lapid, Defense
Minister Benny Gantz and President Isaac Herzog
all visited with the leaders of Egypt, Jordan, the
Palestinian Authority, the UAE and others ear-
lier this year, hoping to prevent an outbreak of
violence. Maybe they naively thought this would
work, but their ineff ectuality led to the opposite
result — a wave of horrifi c terrorist attacks. The
roots of this wave lie in the even more serious
malady of this government — its members.

When the coalition includes fi gures from the
Muslim Brotherhood who support terrorism and “the
Palestinian struggle,” reject our right to exist in Israel
and oppose visits by Jews to the Temple Mount, as
well as when the government allocates billions to a
sector most of whose leaders don’t even see them-
selves as Israeli, it’s no wonder that the genie of ter-
rorism escaped the bottle. Jewish weakness causes
Arab terrorism. That’s the way it’s always been.

On the other hand, in light of this fundamental
fl aw, the current government is the fi rst one to
recognize how serious a problem the country has
with Israeli-Arab governability. Glossing over the
problem, which was neglected for years, is no
longer an option, and that’s good. The steps taken
thus far are the fi rst ones, but they are important,
for both the Jews and the Arabs.

There are other hints of positive action: raising the
retirement age for women, integrating haredim into
the workforce, easing regulation and imports, rais-
ing soldiers’ salaries, laying optic fi bers, addressing
the issue of religion and state and more.

However, many reforms have stalled, and some
will do harm in the long term. The cost of real
estate and food is sky-high. The education minis-
ter is contributing to future generations’ illiteracy.

The transportation minister is busy with politics
and gender and not in command of the fi eld.

These things are causing damage we will only feel
years from now.

In terms of how the government is functioning,
its report card isn’t too bad. Still, there is nothing
in it to redeem this government’s original sin —
the lie on which it is based.

Bennett duped his voters and his partners. He
still isn’t able to look them in the eye, and he won’t
be redeemed. Lapid broke the promises he made
for years. All simply to oust Bibi.

Was it worth it? It doesn’t look that way. The
public, according to polls, is unenthusiastic, the
political crisis is still here and the country is in
chaos. We can’t go on like this. But a year into
this government, the opposition should learn the
lesson that it apparently won’t be able to form a
diff erent government, with or without elections.

The outrage at losing power is understandable.

But anger, as we know, isn’t a working plan. JE
Ariel Kahana is Israel Hayom’s senior diplomatic
commentator. This article was originally published
by Israel Hayom.

The knesset (Israeli parliament)
guter / iStock / Getty Images Plus
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