editorials
A Test of White House Policy
A lmost immediately after the Biden administration
announced its national strategy to combat antisem-
itism, it was put to the test.

In mid-May, at the commencement ceremony for the
famously progressive CUNY School of Law, a gradu-
ating, student-selected Yemeni-immigrant speaker
named Fatima Mohammed gave a 13-minute speech that
included a 3-minute anti-establishment and anti-Israel
diatribe that was deeply troubling.

Mohammed’s ill-informed, hate-infused pronounce-
ments charged Israel with, among other things,
“indiscriminate” killings of Palestinians by “rain[ing]
bullets and bombs on worshipers,” denounced CUNY’s
collaboration with “the fascist N.Y.P.D.,” and called for a
“fight against capitalism, racism, imperialism and Zionism
around the world.”
Standing alone, Mohammed’s screed was bad enough.

And then, its offensiveness was compounded when
CUNY Law School circulated the speech to the public so
that those who missed it in person could share the hate
online. But does the White House view the Mohammed
rantings as antisemitic?
The administration’s antisemitism strategy includes
what the White House says are “over 100 new actions
and over 100 calls to action to combat antisemitism,
including new actions to counter antisemitism on college
campuses and online; whole-of-society strategy [that]
includes new stakeholder commitments,” and lays the
foundation for reducing antisemitism “over time.” The
strategy has four main goals: increasing awareness and
understanding of both antisemitism and Jewish American
heritage; improving safety and security for Jewish
communities; reversing the normalization of antisem-
itism; and building coalitions across communities to
fight hate.

But when it came to defining antisemitism, the adminis-
tration chose a confusing course. Rather than adopting the
widely accepted International Holocaust Remembrance
Association working definition of antisemitism — which
in its appendix recognizes that applying a double
standard to demand of Israel a behavior not expected or
demanded of any other democratic nation — is antisem-
itism, the White House highlighted IHRA and also refer-
enced an alternative definition that says applying double
standards and singling out the Jewish state for criticism
is not antisemitic.

Most Jewish organizations went along with the
White House’s weak-kneed deference to progressive
pressure, declared victory and pointed to the fact that
the IHRA definition was featured most prominently
in the statement.

And now the CUNY test case.

The White House has recognized that Jewish students
on college campuses are feeling threatened and victim-
ized by the rising level of vitriol against Israel and
the blaming and targeting of campus Jews for what
critics call Israel’s crimes. IHRA labels these positions
as antisemitic.

How should they be treated under the new White
House policy? CUNY itself condemned Mohammed for
what it called her “hate speech.” The school’s Jewish
Law Students Association disagreed and came out in
solidarity with “our friend and classmate Fatima.”
Politicians and pundits on the right and the left have
weighed in on the issue. No surprises there. But we
haven’t yet heard from the White House. How the White
House responds will be important, and we hope it is
stronger than a mere, “It never should have happened.”
It’s the administration’s move. ■
C ongress endorsed the highly contentious debt
ceiling suspension deal reached last week between
President Joe Biden and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy
(R-Calif.). The bill was signed into law and will lift the
nation’s borrowing limit for two years.

The default-saving deal was no surprise. Nor was
it surprising that neither Republicans nor Democrats
were happy with it. But everyone recognized that some
resolution was necessary for the United States to avoid
a catastrophic and unprecedented default in paying its
financial obligations.

So, Republicans agreed to a cap on non-defense
discretionary spending that was higher than the 2022
level that they wanted to maintain, and Democrats agreed
to add work requirements for certain categories of adult
food stamp recipients and to cut back on increased
funding to the IRS to go after wealthy tax cheats,
modernize aging technology and improve customer
service. And then each side claimed victory — telling its
faithful that the other side made the more consequential
concessions to reach a deal.

The political brinksmanship over the periodic process
to raise the country’s debt ceiling when one party
controls the White House and the other controls at
least one house of Congress has become predictable.

One party articulates its expected positions and issues
10 JUNE 8, 2023 | JEWISH EXPONENT
President Joe Biden
House Speaker
Kevin McCarthy
demands, threats, promises and ultimatums. The other
side does the same. And then, when both sides realize
that they don’t have the votes to force their views or back
up their threats, they agree to a compromise. This year’s
spectacle was no exception.

For the Jewish community, which has sought funding
increases in several areas, including U.S-Israel defense
programs, the Nonprofit Security Grant Program and
the Holocaust Survivor Assistance Program, there was a
mixture of concern and cautious optimism.

There was concern that the freeze on increases will
undo previous commitments for funding increases in
2024, and some comfort in knowing that at least 2023
funding levels will likely be honored. There are even those
who expressed wishful optimism that pre-compromise
increased funding commitments will be honored. But no
one really knows.

The last time the U.S. faced a debt ceiling “crisis” was
in 2011. Then, as now, the White House and Congress
negotiated a major deficit reduction bill to raise the debt
limit. But many of the cuts enacted were quickly reversed
in subsequent legislation since the changes weren’t
permanent or even binding. The same thing can happen
with respect to last week’s deal following the next round
of elections.

But there is one significant takeaway from the griping,
finger pointing and unending kvetching about how each
side gave away too much in negotiating the debt ceiling
compromise. And it’s a simple point: The single “winner”
in this deal appears to be McCarthy, who promised a
deal, negotiated a deal, and parlayed a bipartisan vote
in support of that deal notwithstanding his right flank’s
grousing about his failures and threats of a recall vote
which could be triggered by a single member’s motion.

That didn’t happen.

We can speculate over whether that means that the
Freedom Caucus is toothless or that McCarthy has
generated enough goodwill and leadership credit to
make the effort to remove him futile. Either way, McCarthy
can celebrate his success, even as everyone works to
figure out how to undo the consequences. ■
Biden: Michael Brochstein/SOPA Images via ZUMA Press Wire; McCarthy: United States Congress
Who Won in the Debt Ceiling Deal?



opinions & letters
On Strengthening Israel-Diaspora Relations
Daniel Radomski
T he Jewish people are not a
monolithic group, contrary to
popular belief and perception. We
are certainly not “all the same.” A
multitude of backgrounds, tradi-
tions and upbringings over the
past 5,000 years has created numerous groupings
and unique individual stories.

Yet all Jews, especially those in the Diaspora, must
deal with the question of how to relate to the only
Jewish state and how Israel is connected to their
identity. Cracks have unfortunately appeared in the Israel-
Diaspora relationship, especially of late, and in
large part due to divergent cultural experiences and
evolving societal and political dynamics. These fault
lines have to do with myriad issues that range from
religious pluralism in the Jewish state to the future
balance between Israeli branches of government.

Still, there is surely more that unites us than
divides us. Our fates are intertwined. That is why I
am committed to working toward building a shared
Jewish future.

My story has informed both my personal and
professional goals. I am the son of Polish refugees
who came to Sweden after World War II. I grew up
in Malmö, Sweden, served in the IDF and now live in
New York. I still have family in Malmö, and the World
Jewish Congress recently opened a Nordic office to
better address regional expressions of antisemitism,
especially anti-Israel sentiment, and to work with
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Correction local Jewish communities to strengthen an open and
proud Jewish presence.

This week, I am part of a World Jewish Congress
delegation to Jerusalem of more than 120 Jewish
leaders from 50 countries, including our senior
leadership, representatives of affiliated Jewish
communities worldwide and more than 75 members
of our leadership development programs, known as
WJC Elevate.

Together, we will gather to celebrate the 75th
anniversary of Israel’s birth. We will also launch
an innovative forum in partnership with the Reut
Institute — the Jewish Leadership Bridge for the
Future. Israeli President Isaac Herzog will speak
at the forum’s launch, where emerging Diaspora
leaders will work to find common ground with their
Israeli counterparts.

This delegation will have an unparalleled oppor-
tunity to demonstrate solidarity and support for the
people and the state of Israel. It will embark upon
additional close collaborations through such events
as meetings with representatives of Israel’s Ministry
of Foreign Affairs.

More specifically, by educating and empowering a
new cadre of Jewish leaders and connecting them,
these leaders will be better equipped to facilitate
difficult yet respectful conversations that lead to
meaningful outcomes.

This approach necessitates recognizing and
respecting differences while simultaneously building
upon unifying factors. It goes beyond mere intel-
lectual discussions at conferences and focuses on
translating those discussions into practical actions
within the everyday lives of individuals and families,
NO 24%
76% leading to greater understanding and unity within
the Jewish community.

The work will continue after the launch with
actions such as smaller-scale meetings that seek to
promote Jewish unity worldwide. This work is a core
mission of the World Jewish Congress, which unites
more than 100 affiliated Jewish communities from
around the globe.

Despite our differences, we must hold tightly to our
people’s shared purpose. By working through tough
conversations grounded in this shared unity, we can
navigate the complexities of our diverse world and
build a better future for generations to come.

By identifying and exploring rifts between Jews in
Israel and those in the Diaspora, as well as finding
and understanding our own roles in bridging those
gaps, we will be better positioned to effectively meet
future challenges.

Action on this front has never been more
important. ■
Daniel Radomski is the head of strategy and
programs for the World Jewish Congress and
executive director of its Jewish Diplomatic Corps.

letters Defining Antisemitism
Your May 25 editorial (“Mr. Biden, Define Antisemitism”)
urging the Biden administration to adopt the
International Holocaust Remembrance Association
definition of “antisemitism” is far off target.

In the vernacular, “antisemitism” is used as an
overly polite synonym to refer to the timeless hatred
of the Jewish people. The 39-word IHRA definition
is vague and cumbersome. The definition does not
do justice to 2,000 years of hateful rhetoric and
violence. It fails to convey the irrationality of this
phenomena, its timelessness, its scope.

Instead of focusing on the IHRA definition, I suggest
giving more attention to the word’s usage. When
referring to this behavior and belief system, it would
be more accurate to use the phrase “hatred of the
Jews” or simply “Jew hatred.” ■
Ronald Jay Smolow, Washington Crossing
YES An article in the May 25 Jewish Exponent misnamed the owner of the Marathon Grill, who is Sheryl Borish.

The Exponent apologizes for the error.

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