editorials
Pelosi to Taiwan. Why?
W hen House Speaker Nancy
Pelosi fl ew into Taiwan on Aug.

2, she became the highest ranking
American offi cial to visit the self-ruled
island in 25 years. Her visit also lit
the fuse on a weeks-long growing
powder keg of an international
confrontation with China that was
entirely unnecessary.

And now, in the wake of her visit,
the world watches apprehensively
as China plays out its displeasure
through a series of military taunts and
confrontational declarations that can
lead to no good.

China claims Taiwan as part of its
territory and has been trying for years
to isolate the island. The Chinese
Communist Party claims that the
self-governing democracy of Taiwan,
which is home to 23 million people,
is part of China. That is clearly wishful
thinking, since Taiwan’s rule by Beijing
in the last 125 years has been brief and
weak. But China’s intentions are well
known, and the island, slightly larger
than Maryland, bristles under China’s
domineering presence and threat.

Pelosi knew all of this when she
planned her visit. And she knew that
the mere announcement of her plans
would escalate tensions between the
United States and China. Taiwan has
long been a hot-button international
relations issue, and it’s no secret
that the United States supports an
independent Taiwan. So there was
nothing new in Pelosi’s triumphant
declaration of American solidarity
with Taiwan when she arrived. But
why now? And why go through all of
this in the face of clear reservations
about the wisdom of the trip from
President Joe Biden and his National
Security Council?
Pelosi was also aware of the com-
plex issues faced by the United States
in its continuing eff orts to deal with
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Those
include eff orts to keep China from
actively providing military and eco-
nomic support for Russia as the
U.S. helps orchestrate the Western
response to Russia’s aggression. And,
of course, there are multiple other
concerns regarding things China could
do to disrupt world order, if provoked.

Biden talked to China’s President Xi
Jinping last week and, in a clear ref-
erence to perceived U.S. interference
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and President Tsai
Ing-wen of Taiwan in Taipei on Aug. 2.

with Taiwan, Biden was told, “Whoever
plays with fi re will get burnt.”
On Aug. 4, China’s ambassador
to the U.S. was summoned to the
White House to receive a formal pro-
test over Beijing’s aggressive actions
against Taiwan. That evening, China’s
foreign minister, Wang Yi, walked out
of a dinner at a diplomatic forum in
Cambodia following criticism by the
U.S. and other countries over China’s
military exercises. Then on Aug. 5,
China’s Foreign Ministry said that it
would suspend talks with the U.S. on
issues including climate change, mil-
itary relations and anti-drug eff orts.

U.S. allies have released state-
ments condemning China’s military
moves in response to Pelosi’s visit,
but none has sought to defend the
wisdom of her trip. In commenting
upon the folly of the Speaker’s trip
to Taiwan, a Washington Post edito-
rial observed that “successful foreign
policy combines high principle with
smart, timely execution. [Pelosi’s visit]
demonstrated the former — but not
the latter.” We hope the miscalcula-
tion by Pelosi will not have lasting,
negative implications. JE
I srael’s brief air campaign against
Islamic Jihad in Gaza, called
Operation “Alot Hashacher” (Breaking
Dawn) in Hebrew, ended in a ceasefi re
brokered by Egypt. By now, the
outbursts of violence along the Gaza
border are nearly routine. This event
lasted three days. We hope the
ceasefi re holds.

But even as Israel reacts to terror
threats and focuses on safety and
security concerns, its government con-
tinues eff orts to establish a mutually
benefi cial coexistence with neighbors
with whom it has a longstanding cold
peace or no peace at all. The impetus
for some of the eff orts may come from
the success of the Abraham Accords,
or not. It doesn’t really matter. What
does matter is that we are seeing evi-
14 dence of increasing improvement in
relations with Israel’s near neighbors.

And that’s good news.

In a recent meeting in Amman
between Israeli Prime Minister Yair
Lapid and Jordan’s King Abdullah II,
the leaders discussed a number of
joint ventures, including in desalina-
tion, energy, food security, transpor-
tation and tourism. Signifi cantly, the
Jordanian statement on the meet-
ing mentioned a discussion of the
Palestinians and the two-state solu-
tion. The Israeli statement did not.

Israel and Jordan signed a peace
treaty in 1994. The temperature of that
peace has been largely driven by the
state of Israeli-Palestinian relations. A
majority of Jordan’s 10 million people
are Palestinian. Any warming of rela-
AUGUST 11, 2022 | JEWISHEXPONENT.COM
tions between Israel and Jordan, even
by baby steps, helps eff orts toward a
broader Mideast peace.

There is also cause for optimism in
the negotiations with Israel’s north-
ern neighbor, Lebanon, over their
maritime border dispute. The United
States is pushing both countries,
which are technically at war, to resolve
their boundary dispute relating to
off shore gas fi elds. Reports indicate
that those talks have made signifi cant
progress. While an agreement will not
likely lead to an embrace between
Israel and the Shiite militant group
Hezbollah — the country’s largest
power center and a vassal of its spon-
sors in Iran — the fact that any agree-
ment could be reached between the
parties is signifi cant.

But we aren’t fooling ourselves.

The impending agreement with
Lebanon is not a peace agreement.

It is a business agreement designed
to address the dispute concerning a
potentially gas-rich 330-square-mile
area of the Mediterranean Sea where
a major Israeli gas project is set to
come online this fall.

We are encouraged by these devel-
opments, just as we are encouraged
by Israel’s closer ties with Egypt,
improved relations with Turkey, rec-
ognition of Israel by the Kingdom of
Bhutan and other international out-
reach by the Jewish state. All of this
adds up to an Israel that is more
secure and more fully integrated into
the world community. And that is a
good thing. JE
Offi cial Photo by Simon Liu / Offi ce of the President
Israel Continues Cultivation of
Regional Interests



opinions & letters
How to Repair Israel’s Relationship
With the Younger Generation
BY DAN SCHNUR
W hen I wrote last week about alarming poll
results that show a continuing drop in
support for Israel among Democrats and young
people, I promised to follow it up with ideas on how
to confront this growing problem.

Recent polling showed that majorities of these
two groups now hold unfavorable opinions
towards Israel, and the numbers are steadily
worsening. Several advocacy organizations, led by AIPAC’s
new super PAC, the Democratic Majority for Israel,
the Jewish Democratic Council of America, the
Zioness Coalition and the Urban Empowerment
Action PAC, have been waging a highly effec-
tive fight against the growing antipathy toward
Israel among progressive voters. They deserve
immense credit for their work. But the fact that so
much time, energy and money must be expended
to persuade Democratic voters to support a
Jewish state should be taken as a warning sign
rather than a cause for celebration.

As I’ve written before, the antisemitism that
emanates from the extreme right is just as per-
nicious as the anti-Zionism infecting the far-left.

But the Democratic Party has been the historic
home of the majority of American Jews, so the
loss of support among young people and liberals
requires a more serious response than simply
changing the subject to nationalistic ultra-con-
servatism. We will never win over the blood-and-
soil bigots and racists — nor should we try. But
bringing back the young and the left-leaning is a
necessary goal to pursue.

First, we must recognize that we do not see
ourselves the way most others do. By definition,
progressives are invested in helping the dispos-
sessed overcome adversity. After several millen-
nia of oppression, most Jews see ourselves and
the Jewish state as having earned that underdog
status. But our academic, economic and political
successes mean we are now regarded by many
of our detractors not as the oppressed but as the
oppressors. We think of ourselves as David. They see us as
Goliath. Until we begin to rebuild our relationship
with other underrepresented communities, and
help them better understand our history — as we
make a better effort to learn about theirs — that
fundamental misperception will prevent the politi-
cal left from being comfortable with Jews or Israel.

The challenge is particularly acute in minority
communities, as the once-vital relationship
between Jewish and Black advocates has largely
withered and nascent connections with other
groups have yet to fully take root. But we should
be just as concerned with the precipitous drop
in support for Israel among young voters as they
move into more influential positions of civic and
political leadership.

Especially worrisome are the markedly less
favorable feelings that young American Jews
have for Israel. Millennial and Generation Z Jews
It’s not difficult to see
how younger Jews have
developed such different
feelings about Israel than
previous generations.

tend to be much more ambivalent about Israel
than their parents and grandparents, which will
make it much harder to shift opinions among vot-
ers of their age groups in the years ahead.

It’s not difficult to see how younger Jews have
developed such different feelings about Israel
than previous generations. Their attitudes were
shaped not by independence or the Yom Kippur
War, but by more recent news from the Middle
East that is overwhelmingly focused on settle-
ments in Judea and Samaria and wars in Gaza.

But us older Jews still assume that these young
people will think like we do even while growing
up in a dramatically different information environ-
ment. Because Middle Eastern politics can be so
divisive, many Jewish institutions have stepped
back from the difficult but necessary challenge of
teaching our young people about the challenges
and successes of modern-day Israel.

So Jewish students read about biblical Israel
but much less about the modern-day country.

They learn about Abraham and Moses, and
maybe occasionally Ben-Gurion and Meir, but
certainly not Lapid and Netanyahu. The resulting
information vacuum is then filled by other, less
sympathetic sources.

These conversations can be controversial and
sometimes unpleasant. But we must be willing to
have these conversations — both within and out-
side the Jewish community. But rather than keep-
ing our next generation of young leaders safe
from uncomfortable debate, perhaps it would be
better to prepare them for the future challenges
they will inevitably face. JE
Dan Schnur is a professor at the University of
California Berkeley, USC and Pepperdine. This
article was originally published by the Jewish
Journal. letters
Rightward Lean Disturbing
I was horrified by multiple opinion pieces in the
Aug. 4 paper.

First, an unsigned editorial addressed AIPAC’s
investment in the MD-4 primary (“Realpolitik in
the MD-4 Primary”) but ignored AIPAC’s other
involvements in this year’s elections. In the MI-11
primary, AIPAC attacked Jewish Rep. Andy Levin
as anti-Israel because of his support for a two-
state solution. In addition, AIPAC has endorsed
multiple Republicans who voted on Jan. 6 to over-
turn the results of the 2020 election, including
several who were part of the insurrection.

Next, Yishai Fleisher’s column (“Ben Shapiro
and Binary ‘Aliyah’”) referred to Shapiro as a
thoughtful individual, ignoring his history of rac-
ism and sexism and his support for the Jan. 6
insurrectionists. Finally, Jonathan Tobin rightly condemned Doug
Mastriano for failing to quickly and completely dis-
avow Gab and Andrew Torba (“Mastriano Shows
How Not to Defuse an Antisemitism Controversy”).

But Tobin used the column to bash Democrats and
the left for insisting that racism, sexism, homopho-
bia and xenophobia have no place in America.

He fails to discuss that Mastriano is a Christian
nationalist whose goal is to replace democracy in
Pennsylvania with Christian theocracy.

Overall, this set of columns give the impression
that the Exponent leans far right and is unaware
that most Jewish Americans lean left. Very disap-
pointing. JE
Tamar E. Granor, Elkins Park
Letters should be related to articles that have run in the print or
online editions of the JE, and may be edited for space and clarity
prior to publication. Please include your first and last name, as
well your town/neighborhood of residence. Send letters to
letters@jewishexponent.com. JEWISHEXPONENT.COM
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